A new beginning
The US president delivers an address to Muslims around the world
BY BARACK HUSSEIN OBAMA
I am honoured to be
in the timeless city of Cairo and to be hosted by two remarkable institutions.
For over a thousand years Al-Azhar has
stood as a beacon of Islamic learning and for over a century Cairo University
has been a source of Egypt’s advancement. Together you represent the harmony
between tradition and progress. I am grateful for your hospitality and the
hospitality of the people of Egypt. I am also proud to carry with me the
goodwill of the American people and a greeting of peace from Muslim communities
in my country: assalaamu aleikum.
We meet at a time of tension between the United States and
Muslims around the world – tension rooted in historical forces that go beyond
any current policy debate. The relationship between Islam and the West includes
centuries of coexistence and cooperation but also conflict and religious wars.
More recently, tension has been fed by colonialism that denied rights and
opportunities to many Muslims and a cold war in which Muslim-majority countries
were too often treated as proxies without regard to their own aspirations.
Moreover, the sweeping change brought by modernity and globalisation led many
Muslims to view the West as hostile to the traditions of Islam.
Violent extremists have exploited these tensions in a small but
potent minority of Muslims. The attacks of September 11, 2001 and the continued
efforts of these extremists to engage in violence against civilians has led some
in my country to view Islam as inevitably hostile not only to America and
western countries but also to human rights. This has bred more fear and
mistrust.
So long as our relationship is defined by our differences, we
will empower those who sow hatred rather than peace and who promote conflict
rather than the cooperation that can help all of our people achieve justice and
prosperity. This cycle of suspicion and discord must end.
I have come here to seek a new beginning between the United
States and Muslims around the world; one based upon mutual interest and mutual
respect and one based upon the truth that America and Islam are not exclusive
and need not be in competition. Instead, they overlap and share common
principles – principles of justice and progress, tolerance and the dignity of
all human beings.
I do so recognising that change cannot happen overnight. No
single speech can eradicate years of mistrust nor can I answer in the time that
I have all the complex questions that brought us to this point. But I am
convinced that in order to move forward we must say openly the things we hold in
our hearts and that too often are said only behind closed doors. There must be a
sustained effort to listen to each other, to learn from each other, to respect
one another and to seek common ground. As the holy Koran tells us, "Be conscious
of god and speak always the truth." That is what I will try to do – to speak the
truth as best I can, humbled by the task before us and firm in my belief that
the interests we share as human beings are far more powerful than the forces
that drive us apart.
Part of this conviction is rooted in my own experience. I am a
Christian but my father came from a Kenyan family that includes generations of
Muslims. As a boy, I spent several years in Indonesia and heard the call of the
azan at the break of dawn and the fall of dusk. As a young man, I worked in
Chicago communities where many found dignity and peace in their Muslim faith.
As a student of history, I also know civilisation’s debt to
Islam. It was Islam – at places like Al-Azhar University – that carried the
light of learning through so many centuries, paving the way for Europe’s
Renaissance and Enlightenment. It was innovation in Muslim communities that
developed the order of algebra, our magnetic compass and tools of navigation,
our mastery of pens and printing, our understanding of how disease spreads and
how it can be healed. Islamic culture has given us majestic arches and soaring
spires, timeless poetry and cherished music, elegant calligraphy and places of
peaceful contemplation. And throughout history Islam has demonstrated through
words and deeds the possibilities of religious tolerance and racial equality.
I know too that Islam has always been a part of America’s story.
The first nation to recognise my country was Morocco. In signing the Treaty of
Tripoli in 1796, our second president, John Adams, wrote: "The United States has
in itself no character of enmity against the laws, religion or tranquillity of
Muslims." And since our founding, American Muslims have enriched the United
States. They have fought in our wars, served in government, stood for civil
rights, started businesses, taught at our universities, excelled in our sports
arenas, won Nobel Prizes, built our tallest building and lit the Olympic torch.
And when the first Muslim American was recently elected to Congress, he took the
oath to defend our Constitution using the same holy Koran that one of our
founding fathers – Thomas Jefferson – kept in his personal library.
So I have known Islam on three continents before coming to the
region where it was first revealed. That experience guides my conviction that
partnership between America and Islam must be based on what Islam is, not what
it isn’t. And I consider it part of my responsibility as president of the United
States to fight against negative stereotypes of Islam wherever they appear.
But that same principle must apply to Muslim perceptions of
America. Just as Muslims do not fit a crude stereotype, America is not the crude
stereotype of a self-interested empire. The United States has been one of the
greatest sources of progress that the world has ever known. We were born out of
revolution against an empire. We were founded upon the ideal that all are
created equal and we have shed blood and struggled for centuries to give meaning
to those words – within our borders and around the world. We are shaped by every
culture, drawn from every end of the earth and dedicated to a simple concept:
E pluribus unum: "Out of many, one".
Much has been made of the fact that an African American with the
name Barack Hussein Obama could be elected president. But my personal story is
not so unique. The dream of opportunity for all people has not come true for
everyone in America but its promise exists for all who come to our shores – that
includes nearly seven million American Muslims in our country today who enjoy
incomes and education that are higher than average.
Moreover, freedom in America is indivisible from the freedom to
practise one’s religion. That is why there is a mosque in every state of our
union and over 1,200 mosques within our borders. That is why the US government
has gone to court to protect the right of women and girls to wear the hijab and
to punish those who would deny it.
So let there be no doubt: Islam is a part of America. And I
believe that America holds within her the truth that regardless of race,
religion or station in life, all of us share common aspirations – to live in
peace and security, to get an education and to work with dignity, to love our
families, our communities and our god. These things we share. This is the hope
of all humanity.
Of course, recognising our common humanity is only the beginning
of our task. Words alone cannot meet the needs of our people. These needs will
be met only if we act boldly in the years ahead and if we understand that the
challenges we face are shared and our failure to meet them will hurt us all.
For we have learnt from recent experience that when a financial
system weakens in one country, prosperity is hurt everywhere. When a new flu
infects one human being, all are at risk. When one nation pursues a nuclear
weapon, the risk of nuclear attack rises for all nations. When violent
extremists operate in one stretch of mountains, people are endangered across an
ocean. And when innocents in Bosnia and Darfur are slaughtered, that is a stain
on our collective conscience. That is what it means to share this world in the
21st century. That is the responsibility we have to one another as human beings.
This is a difficult responsibility to embrace. For human history
has often been a record of nations and tribes subjugating one another to serve
their own interests. Yet in this new age such attitudes are self-defeating.
Given our interdependence, any world order that elevates one nation or group of
people over another will inevitably fail. So whatever we think of the past, we
must not be prisoners of it. Our problems must be dealt with through
partnership; progress must be shared.
That does not mean we should ignore sources of tension. Indeed
it suggests the opposite: we must face these tensions squarely. And so, in that
spirit, let me speak as clearly and plainly as I can about some specific issues
that I believe we must finally confront together.
Violent extremism
T he
first issue that we have to confront is violent extremism in all of its forms.
In Ankara, I made clear that America is not – and never will be
– at war with Islam. We will however relentlessly confront violent extremists
who pose a grave threat to our security. Because we reject the same thing that
people of all faiths reject: the killing of innocent men, women and children.
And it is my first duty as president to protect the American people.
The situation in Afghanistan demonstrates America’s goals and
our need to work together. Over seven years ago the United States pursued al-Qaeda
and the Taliban with broad international support. We did not go by choice, we
went because of necessity. I am aware that some question or justify the events
of 9/11. But let us be clear: al-Qaeda killed nearly 3,000 people on that day.
The victims were innocent men, women and children from America and many other
nations who had done nothing to harm anybody. And yet al-Qaeda chose to
ruthlessly murder these people, claimed credit for the attack and even now
states their determination to kill on a massive scale. They have affiliates in
many countries and are trying to expand their reach. These are not opinions to
be debated; these are facts to be dealt with.
Make no mistake: we do not want to keep our troops in
Afghanistan. We seek no military bases there. It is agonising for America to
lose our young men and women. It is costly and politically difficult to continue
this conflict. We would gladly bring every single one of our troops home if we
could be confident that there were not violent extremists in Afghanistan and
Pakistan determined to kill as many Americans as they possibly can. But that is
not yet the case.
That’s why we’re partnering with a coalition of 46 countries.
And despite the costs involved, America’s commitment will not weaken. Indeed
none of us should tolerate these extremists. They have killed in many countries.
They have killed people of different faiths – more than any other, they have
killed Muslims. Their actions are irreconcilable with the rights of human
beings, the progress of nations and with Islam. The holy Koran teaches that
whoever kills an innocent, it is as if he has killed all mankind; and whoever
saves a person, it is as if he has saved all mankind. The enduring faith of over
a billion people is so much bigger than the narrow hatred of a few. Islam is not
part of the problem in combating violent extremism – it is an important part of
promoting peace.
We also know that military power alone is not going to solve the
problems in Afghanistan and Pakistan. That is why we plan to invest $1.5 billion
each year over the next five years to partner with Pakistanis to build schools
and hospitals, roads and businesses, and hundreds of millions to help those who
have been displaced. And that is why we are providing more than $2.8 billion to
help Afghans develop their economy and deliver services that people depend upon.
Let me also address the issue of Iraq. Unlike Afghanistan, Iraq
was a war of choice that provoked strong differences in my country and around
the world. Although I believe that the Iraqi people are ultimately better off
without the tyranny of Saddam Hussein, I also believe that events in Iraq have
reminded America of the need to use diplomacy and build international consensus
to resolve our problems whenever possible. Indeed we can recall the words of
Thomas Jefferson, who said, "I hope that our wisdom will grow with our power and
teach us that the less we use our power, the greater it will be."
Today America has a dual responsibility: to help Iraq forge a
better future – and to leave Iraq to Iraqis. I have made it clear to the Iraqi
people that we pursue no bases and no claim on their territory or resources.
Iraq’s sovereignty is its own. That is why I ordered the removal of our combat
brigades by next August. That is why we will honour our agreement with Iraq’s
democratically elected government to remove combat troops from Iraqi cities by
July and to remove all our troops from Iraq by 2012. We will help Iraq train its
security forces and develop its economy. But we will support a secure and united
Iraq as a partner and never as a patron.
And finally, just as America can never tolerate violence by
extremists, we must never alter our principles. 9/11 was an enormous trauma to
our country. The fear and anger that it provoked was understandable but in some
cases, it led us to act contrary to our ideals. We are taking concrete actions
to change course. I have unequivocally prohibited the use of torture by the
United States and I have ordered the prison at Guantánamo Bay closed by early
next year.
So America will defend itself respectful of the sovereignty of
nations and the rule of law. And we will do so in partnership with Muslim
communities which are also threatened. The sooner the extremists are isolated
and unwelcome in Muslim communities, the sooner we will all be safer.
Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world
The second major source of tension that we need to discuss is
the situation between Israelis, Palestinians and the Arab world.
America’s strong bonds with Israel are well known. This bond is
unbreakable. It is based upon cultural and historical ties and the recognition
that the aspiration for a Jewish homeland is rooted in a tragic history that
cannot be denied.
Around the world, the Jewish people were persecuted for
centuries and anti-Semitism in Europe culminated in an unprecedented Holocaust.
Tomorrow I will visit Buchenwald which was part of a network of camps where Jews
were enslaved, tortured, shot and gassed to death by the Third Reich. Six
million Jews were killed – more than the entire Jewish population of Israel
today. Denying that fact is baseless, ignorant, and hateful. Threatening Israel
with destruction – or repeating vile stereotypes about Jews – is deeply wrong
and only serves to evoke in the minds of Israelis this most painful of memories
while preventing the peace that the people of this region deserve.
On the other hand, it is also undeniable that the Palestinian
people – Muslims and Christians – have suffered in pursuit of a homeland. For
more than 60 years they have endured the pain of dislocation. Many wait in
refugee camps in the West Bank, Gaza and neighbouring lands for a life of peace
and security that they have never been able to lead. They endure the daily
humiliations – large and small – that come with occupation. So let there be no
doubt: the situation for the Palestinian people is intolerable. America will not
turn our backs on the legitimate Palestinian aspiration for dignity, opportunity
and a state of their own.
For decades there has been a stalemate: two peoples with
legitimate aspirations, each with a painful history that makes compromise
elusive. It is easy to point fingers – for Palestinians to point to the
displacement brought by Israel’s founding and for Israelis to point to the
constant hostility and attacks throughout its history from within its borders as
well as beyond. But if we see this conflict only from one side or the other then
we will be blind to the truth: the only resolution is for the aspirations of
both sides to be met through two states where Israelis and Palestinians each
live in peace and security.
That is in Israel’s interest, Palestine’s interest, America’s
interest and the world’s interest. That is why I intend to personally pursue
this outcome with all the patience that the task requires. The obligations that
the parties have agreed to under the Road Map are clear. For peace to come, it
is time for them – and all of us – to live up to our responsibilities.
Palestinians must abandon violence. Resistance through violence
and killing is wrong and does not succeed. For centuries black people in America
suffered the lash of the whip as slaves and the humiliation of segregation. But
it was not violence that won full and equal rights. It was a peaceful and
determined insistence upon the ideals at the centre of America’s founding. This
same story can be told by people from South Africa to South Asia, from eastern
Europe to Indonesia. It’s a story with a simple truth: that violence is a dead
end. It is a sign of neither courage nor power to shoot rockets at sleeping
children or to blow up old women on a bus. That is not how moral authority is
claimed; that is how it is surrendered.
Now is the time for Palestinians to focus on what they can
build. The Palestinian Authority must develop its capacity to govern, with
institutions that serve the needs of its people. Hamas does have support among
some Palestinians but they also have responsibilities. To play a role in
fulfilling Palestinian aspirations, and to unify the Palestinian people, Hamas
must put an end to violence, recognise past agreements and recognise Israel’s
right to exist.
At the same time, Israelis must acknowledge that just as
Israel’s right to exist cannot be denied, neither can Palestine’s. The United
States does not accept the legitimacy of continued Israeli settlements. This
construction violates previous agreements and undermines efforts to achieve
peace. It is time for these settlements to stop.
Israel must also live up to its obligations to ensure that
Palestinians can live and work and develop their society. And just as it
devastates Palestinian families, the continuing humanitarian crisis in Gaza does
not serve Israel’s security; neither does the continuing lack of opportunity in
the West Bank. Progress in the daily lives of the Palestinian people must be
part of a road to peace and Israel must take concrete steps to enable such
progress.
Finally, the Arab states must recognise that the Arab Peace
Initiative was an important beginning but not the end of their responsibilities.
The Arab-Israeli conflict should no longer be used to distract the people of
Arab nations from other problems. Instead, it must be a cause for action to help
the Palestinian people develop the institutions that will sustain their state,
to recognise Israel’s legitimacy and to choose progress over a self-defeating
focus on the past.
America will align our policies with those who pursue peace, and
say in public what we say in private to Israelis and Palestinians and Arabs. We
cannot impose peace. But privately, many Muslims recognise that Israel will not
go away. Likewise, many Israelis recognise the need for a Palestinian state. It
is time for us to act on what everyone knows to be true.
Too many tears have flowed. Too much blood has been shed. All of
us have a responsibility to work for the day when the mothers of Israelis and
Palestinians can see their children grow up without fear, when the holy land of
three great faiths is the place of peace that god intended it to be, when
Jerusalem is a secure and lasting home for Jews and Christians and Muslims and a
place for all of the children of Abraham to mingle peacefully together as in the
story of Isra, when Moses, Jesus and Muhammad (peace be upon them) joined in
prayer.
Nuclear weapons
The third source of tension is our shared interest in the rights
and responsibilities of nations on nuclear weapons.
This issue has been a source of tension between the United
States and the Islamic Republic of Iran. For many years Iran has defined itself
in part by its opposition to my country and there is indeed a tumultuous history
between us. In the middle of the cold war, the United States played a role in
the overthrow of a democratically elected Iranian government. Since the Islamic
revolution, Iran has played a role in acts of hostage-taking and violence
against US troops and civilians. This history is well known. Rather than remain
trapped in the past, I have made it clear to Iran’s leaders and people that my
country is prepared to move forward. The question now is not what Iran is
against but, rather, what future it wants to build.
It will be hard to overcome decades of mistrust but we will
proceed with courage, rectitude and resolve. There will be many issues to
discuss between our two countries and we are willing to move forward without
preconditions on the basis of mutual respect. But it is clear to all concerned
that when it comes to nuclear weapons, we have reached a decisive point. This is
not simply about America’s interests. It is about preventing a nuclear arms race
in the Middle East that could lead this region and the world down a hugely
dangerous path.
I understand those who protest that some countries have weapons
that others do not. No single nation should pick and choose which nations hold
nuclear weapons. That is why I strongly reaffirmed America’s commitment to seek
a world in which no nations hold nuclear weapons. And any nation – including
Iran – should have the right to access peaceful nuclear power if it complies
with its responsibilities under the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. That
commitment is at the core of the treaty and it must be kept for all who fully
abide by it. And I am hopeful that all countries in the region can share in this
goal.
Democracy
The fourth issue that I will address is democracy.
I know there has been controversy about the promotion of
democracy in recent years and much of this controversy is connected to the war
in Iraq. So let me be clear: no system of government can or should be imposed
upon one nation by any other.
That does not lessen my commitment however to governments that
reflect the will of the people. Each nation gives life to this principle in its
own way, grounded in the traditions of its own people. America does not presume
to know what is best for everyone, just as we would not presume to pick the
outcome of a peaceful election. But I do have an unyielding belief that all
people yearn for certain things: the ability to speak your mind and have a say
in how you are governed, confidence in the rule of law and the equal
administration of justice, government that is transparent and doesn’t steal from
the people, the freedom to live as you choose. Those are not just American
ideas, they are human rights, and that is why we will support them everywhere.
There is no straight line to realise this promise. But this much
is clear: governments that protect these rights are ultimately more stable,
successful and secure. Suppressing ideas never succeeds in making them go away.
America respects the right of all peaceful and law-abiding voices to be heard
around the world even if we disagree with them. And we will welcome all elected,
peaceful governments – provided they govern with respect for all their people.
This last point is important because there are some who advocate
for democracy only when they are out of power; once in power, they are ruthless
in suppressing the rights of others. No matter where it takes hold, government
of the people and by the people sets a single standard for all who hold power:
you must maintain your power through consent, not coercion; you must respect the
rights of minorities and participate with a spirit of tolerance and compromise;
you must place the interests of your people and the legitimate workings of the
political process above your party. Without these ingredients, elections alone
do not make true democracy.
Religious freedom
The fifth issue that we must address together is religious
freedom.
Islam has a proud tradition of tolerance. We see it in the
history of Andalusia and Córdoba during the Inquisition. I saw it first-hand as
a child in Indonesia where devout Christians worshipped freely in an
overwhelmingly Muslim country. That is the spirit we need today. People in every
country should be free to choose and live their faith based upon the persuasion
of the mind, heart and soul. This tolerance is essential for religion to thrive
but it is being challenged in many different ways.
Among some Muslims, there is a disturbing tendency to measure
one’s own faith by the rejection of another’s. The richness of religious
diversity must be upheld – whether it is for Maronites in Lebanon or the Copts
in Egypt. And fault lines must be closed among Muslims as well, as the divisions
between Sunni and Shia have led to tragic violence, particularly in Iraq.
Freedom of religion is central to the ability of peoples to live
together. We must always examine the ways in which we protect it. For instance,
in the United States, rules on charitable giving have made it harder for Muslims
to fulfil their religious obligation. That is why I am committed to working with
American Muslims to ensure that they can fulfil zakat.
Likewise, it is important for western countries to avoid
impeding Muslim citizens from practising religion as they see fit – for
instance, by dictating what clothes a Muslim woman should wear. We cannot
disguise hostility towards any religion behind the pretence of liberalism.
Indeed faith should bring us together. That is why we are
forging service projects in America that bring together Christians, Muslims and
Jews. That is why we welcome efforts like Saudi Arabian King Abdullah’s
interfaith dialogue and Turkey’s leadership in the Alliance of Civilisations.
Around the world, we can turn dialogue into interfaith service so bridges
between peoples lead to action – whether it is combating malaria in Africa or
providing relief after a natural disaster.
Women’s rights
The sixth issue that I want to address is women’s rights.
I know there is debate about this issue. I reject the view of
some in the West that a woman who chooses to cover her hair is somehow less
equal but I do believe that a woman who is denied an education is denied
equality. And it is no coincidence that countries where women are well educated
are far more likely to be prosperous.
Now, let me be clear: issues of women’s equality are by no means
simply an issue for Islam. In Turkey, Pakistan, Bangladesh and Indonesia, we
have seen Muslim-majority countries elect a woman to lead. Meanwhile, the
struggle for women’s equality continues in many aspects of American life and in
countries around the world.
Our daughters can contribute just as much to society as our sons
and our common prosperity will be advanced by allowing all humanity – men and
women – to reach their full potential. I do not believe that women must make the
same choices as men in order to be equal and I respect those women who choose to
live their lives in traditional roles. But it should be their choice. That is
why the United States will partner with any Muslim-majority country to support
expanded literacy for girls and to help young women pursue employment through
micro-financing that helps people live their dreams.
Economic development and opportunity
F inally,
I want to discuss economic development and opportunity.
I know that for many, the face of globalisation is
contradictory. The Internet and television can bring knowledge and information
but also offensive sexuality and mindless violence. Trade can bring new wealth
and opportunities but also huge disruptions and changing communities. In all
nations – including my own – this change can bring fear. Fear that because of
modernity we will lose control over our economic choices, our politics and, most
importantly, our identities – those things we most cherish about our
communities, our families, our traditions and our faith.
But I also know that human progress cannot be denied. There need
not be contradiction between development and tradition. Countries like Japan and
South Korea grew their economies while maintaining distinct cultures. The same
is true for the astonishing progress within Muslim-majority countries from Kuala
Lumpur to Dubai. In ancient times, and in our times, Muslim communities have
been at the forefront of innovation and education.
This is important because no development strategy can be based
only upon what comes out of the ground, nor can it be sustained while young
people are out of work. Many Gulf states have enjoyed great wealth as a
consequence of oil and some are beginning to focus it on broader development.
But all of us must recognise that education and innovation will be the currency
of the 21st century and in too many Muslim communities there remains
underinvestment in these areas. I am emphasising such investments within my
country. And while America in the past has focused on oil and gas in this part
of the world, we now seek a broader engagement.
On education, we will expand exchange programmes and increase
scholarships, like the one that brought my father to America, while encouraging
more Americans to study in Muslim communities. And we will match promising
Muslim students with internships in America, invest in online learning for
teachers and children around the world and create a new online network so a
teenager in Kansas can communicate instantly with a teenager in Cairo.
On economic development, we will create a new corps of business
volunteers to partner with counterparts in Muslim-majority countries. And I will
host a summit on entrepreneurship this year to identify how we can deepen ties
between business leaders, foundations and social entrepreneurs in the United
States and Muslim communities around the world.
On science and technology, we will launch a new fund to support
technological development in Muslim-majority countries and to help transfer
ideas to the marketplace so they can create jobs. We will open centres of
scientific excellence in Africa, the Middle East and South-east Asia and appoint
new science envoys to collaborate on programmes that develop new sources of
energy, create green jobs, digitise records, clean water and grow new crops. And
today I am announcing a new global effort with the Organisation of the Islamic
Conference to eradicate polio. And we will also expand partnerships with Muslim
communities to promote child and maternal health.
All these things must be done in partnership. Americans are
ready to join with citizens and governments, community organisations, religious
leaders and businesses in Muslim communities around the world to help our people
pursue a better life.
The issues that I have described will not be easy to address.
But we have a responsibility to join together on behalf of the world we seek – a
world where extremists no longer threaten our people and American troops have
come home, a world where Israelis and Palestinians are each secure in a state of
their own and nuclear energy is used for peaceful purposes, a world where
governments serve their citizens and the rights of all god’s children are
respected. Those are mutual interests. That is the world we seek. But we can
only achieve it together.
I know there are many – Muslim and non-Muslim – who question
whether we can forge this new beginning. Some are eager to stoke the flames of
division and to stand in the way of progress. Some suggest that it isn’t worth
the effort – that we are fated to disagree and civilisations are doomed to
clash. Many more are simply sceptical that real change can occur. There is so
much fear, so much mistrust. But if we choose to be bound by the past, we will
never move forward. And I want to particularly say this to young people of every
faith, in every country – you, more than anyone, have the ability to remake this
world.
All of us share this world for but a brief moment in time. The
question is whether we spend that time focused on what pushes us apart or
whether we commit ourselves to an effort – a sustained effort – to find common
ground, to focus on the future we seek for our children and to respect the
dignity of all human beings.
It is easier to start wars than to end them. It is easier to
blame others than to look inward, to see what is different about someone than to
find the things we share. But we should choose the right path, not just the easy
path. There is also one rule that lies at the heart of every religion – that we
do unto others as we would have them do unto us. This truth transcends nations
and peoples – a belief that isn’t new, that isn’t black or white or brown, that
isn’t Christian or Muslim or Jew. It’s a belief that pulsed in the cradle of
civilisation and that still beats in the heart of billions. It’s a faith in
other people and it’s what brought me here today.
We have the power to make the world we seek but only if we have
the courage to make a new beginning, keeping in mind what has been written.
The holy Koran tells us, "O mankind! We have created you male
and female; and we have made you into nations and tribes so that you may know
one another."
The Talmud tells us, "The whole of the Torah is for the purpose
of promoting peace."
The holy Bible tells us, "Blessed are the peacemakers, for they
shall be called sons of god."
The people of the world can live together in peace. We know that
is god’s vision. Now that must be our work here on earth. Thank you. And may
god’s peace be upon you.
(The full text of the speech made by US President Barack Obama
at Cairo University on June 4, 2009 during a four-nation tour of the
Middle East and Europe.)
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