With the burkha back in the news, only one thing can be safely
stated: The garment intended to render Muslim women invisible in the public
space has, ironically, turned her into an object of constant global attention.
But there is clearly more to this than meets the eye. Taking sides in the raging
war about the veil, distinguishing between friend and foe is not easy since the
opposing camps do not follow familiar divides. If you think it is only about
Islam vs West, or Islam vs Rest, think again. For it is also West against West,
liberals against liberals, feminists against feminists, Muslims against Muslims.
In recent years the West that is home to the bikini and the
miniskirt has shown increasing discomfort with the presence of the burkha in its
midst. The looming terror threat has added a security dimension to the demand
for a ban. The June 22 verbal barrage from French President Nicolas Sarkozy –
"The burkha is not a religious sign, it’s a sign of subservience, a sign of
debasement. I want to say it solemnly, it will not be welcome on the territory
of the French republic" – comes as the bursting of this building reservoir of
discomfort. Interestingly, among Sarkozy’s staunch supporters on the issue is
André Gerin, a Communist party MP who represents a poor, multiracial area in the
suburbs of Lyons. Also on Sarkozy’s side is a Muslim woman of Algerian descent,
Fadela Amara. A crusader for Muslim women’s rights and currently France’s
minister for urban affairs, Amara wants a total ban on "this coffin which kills
the fundamental rights of women" in France.
US President Barack Obama falls in the opposite camp. Asked,
during his visit to Normandy in early June, where he stood on the 2004 French
ban on the wearing of hijab (headscarves) in school, he said countries handle
such issues with their national sensitivities and histories in mind, adding, "I
will tell you that in the United States our basic attitude is that we’re not
going to tell people what to wear." "It (is) hard for an American to fathom –
this idea that government would dictate a religious dress code," was the US’
Christian Science Monitor’s editorial response to Sarkozy’s remark.
The average western liberal or feminist can just about tolerate
the sight of the "foreboding dark veil, the smothering, all-consuming piece of
fabric that purposefully extinguishes the faces, bodies and voices of Muslim
women." Yet many are fiercely opposed to a ban. Forcing women not to wear
the burkha is nothing short of replacing one form of oppression with another,
one form of paternalism with another, runs the argument. A French law that
forces women not to wear the burkha, they say, will place the land of
liberté, égalité and fraternité on the same moral plane as the
Saudis, the Iranian ayatollahs and the Taliban who force women to wear it. For
feminists, at stake is a woman’s right to choose.
If you dislike the burkha but you are also against the state
dictating a dress code for citizens, where does that leave you? A bright spark
from India offers the best route out of this bind: Don’t ban the burkha,
question it. Great idea! Let’s examine the pro-burkha arguments:
The security argument: Many burkha-clad Muslim women claim
they don the veil by choice. In a world of growing sexual harassment and
violence, you are not treated like a sex object and you feel more secure in a
burkha, it is argued. But last year the Egyptian Centre for Women’s Rights
conducted a survey and found that contrary to anecdotal accounts, 80 per cent of
Egyptian women faced sexual harassment and that the hijab offered little
protection.
The convenient cover argument: To young Muslim women from
conservative families the burkha is a handy garment. You get to spend time in
the company of male college friends or even with your boyfriend and your parents
are none the wiser. If that’s the only way you can get around parental curfew, I
for one am happy to buy this one.
The freedom to choose argument: In response to Sarkozy’s
remarks, Muslim leaders and organisations across the globe have invoked the
freedom to choose principle. This begs the question: Should Muslim women only
have the freedom to choose to wear a burkha in France, Denmark or Italy?
What about their right not to wear a burkha or chadar in Saudi Arabia,
Iran or Afghanistan under the Taliban?
The piety argument: There is a widespread perception among
Muslims in India and throughout the Islamic world that it is a religious
obligation to cover their heads or their entire bodies. But any number of Muslim
theologians and scholars, both men and women, now argue that with the exception
of the wives of Prophet Muhammad, all that the Koran asks of Muslim women, and
men, is to dress modestly. Any Muslim will tell you that the burkha (or hijab,
jilbab or niqab), which was going out of vogue in the post-colonial era, is back
with a vengeance in the last two decades or so. This is thanks largely to Saudi
Wahhabism bent on exporting a rigid, misogynic, monochromatic Islam throughout
the Muslim world. Call it inducement with petrodollars for "sectarian
conversion" of all Muslims to an intolerant, Islamic supremacist world view.
Above all, to question the veil Muslims must challenge what the
US-based academic of Hyderabadi origin, Muqtedar Khan, calls the
"epistemological hijab", the curtain that the male Muslim clergy has kept drawn
between Islamic scripture and women. Muslims engaged in ripping apart this
epistemological curtain can see that during the prophet’s lifetime and for a
while thereafter the Muslim woman was acknowledged as an autonomous human being.
She was considered a person in her own right, not just a mother, sister, wife or
daughter. Over 14 centuries ago it was both an obligation and a right of Muslim
women to participate actively in the religious, economic, social and political
life of the community. The clergy must explain how it happened that the female
sex subsequently got pushed out of the common public space. The "pious burkha"
is but a manifestation of this subversion of early Islam’s radical impulse.