Fascism is defined by the Shorter Oxford English Dictionary as
an authoritarian movement. Authoritarianism is further explained as a
tyrannical state of affairs defined by an absence of freedom. The growing
influence of the politics of supremacy and divisiveness within Indian democracy,
which fortunately continues to observe the critical ritual of elections, has
impacted not just on public discourse in general but the cultural sphere as
well. The absence of real freedom is manifest through the Laxman-rekha of
mass self-censorship that refuses to
acknowledge this selective and stereotypical world view and call a spade a
spade.
The shameful breakdown of the rule of law, yet again, in the
eastern state of Orissa has left about 50 people dead and 4,000 of the poorest
of the poor homeless. For two weeks now trained cadres of the Vishwa Hindu
Parishad (VHP) and Bajrang Dal have been given free rein in three districts of
the state – Kandhamal, Phulbani and Gajapati. CC takes no pride in the
fact that we have through 2003-2008 been showcasing the spread of an
increasingly brazen brand of Hindutva in Orissa as it repeatedly targeted Indian
Christians (and in a few stray cases Muslims as well).
What is as appalling is the absence of media uproar on the
issue: no admonitory editorials, no harsh questions being asked of Naveen
Patnaik, Orissa’s chief minister. Why he failed to call in the army on August 23
itself, immediately after Swami Lakshmanananda Saraswati, Orissa’s Hindutva
icon, was killed? And worse, why he promptly allowed Praveen Togadia,
international general secretary of the VHP, entry into the violence-ridden areas
when in the same period the union minister of state for home, Sriprakash Jaiswal,
was refused permission to enter. It is well known that in the past Togadia has
been banned from entry into districts in Karnataka (2003-2004) and was even
jailed for 10 days in Rajasthan (2003) for the distribution of trishuls
and making incendiary speeches. He is a master of hate speech and a professional
instigator of violence.
Why this silence from the media, why the absence of testimonies
of Christian priests and nuns who suffered hurt and humiliation? Is the
premeditated killing of Christians not ‘sensational’ news? Or is that this vital
part of Indian democracy, the media, has accepted the parameters set by the
Hindu Right, recognising that they not only break the law but have the right to
do so and get away with it?
CC’s cover story last month, exposing the CBI’s complicity
in covering up the Hindu terror network operational in India, together with the
renewed attack on Christians in Orissa, resulted in a nationwide demand for a
ban on the VHP and the Bajrang Dal. The explosion of bombs and the death of two
activists of the Bajrang Dal in Kanpur on August 24 provided further proof that
this network is not limited to Maharashtra alone. The CPI(M) politburo has
backed this demand for a ban and CPI(M) member of parliament, Hannan Mollah, in
fact wrote a letter to the prime minister endorsing the demand for a ban on
these outfits and asking for the establishment of a special tribunal to monitor
and supervise all terror investigations in order to check complicity and
prejudice in the law enforcement agencies.
Such a step is critical if the Muslim minority, which itself is
in a state of denial about outfits like the Students Islamic Movement of India
(SIMI) and others (a state of affairs knowingly indulged by both the Muslim
leadership and the Urdu media), is to reflect on the actions of the minuscule
minority within their community that is being drawn to violence.
Imagery and mass communication as seen in the Hindi cinema of
the late 1990s and the early years of this century also showcases the
majoritarian vision that has pervaded Indian public discourse. This
unidimensional world view, which stringently refuses to acknowledge the Hindu
Right’s visceral hold on prejudice and stereotype, is visible even in those of
our films that attempt to address the issue. CC’s cover story this
month devotes space to this debate while acknowledging the breakthroughs being
attempted by some younger, braver filmmakers.
There is however one disturbing question that we Indians need to
ask ourselves. Do we have the raw courage to make a film similar to Pakistan’s
Khuda Kay Liye which lays bare the growth of Islamic fundamentalism on
home ground? Discerning Indian audiences would welcome a film that showcases
Hindu fascist terror and its penetration within our institutions.