Leaving the left behind
Why the communists in Bengal did not endure
BY SHARIB ALI & SHAZIA NIGAR
“It is unlikely that such a review ex-ercise will
lead to the kind of “reformed” left that its critics are rooting for – a
left tamed by its defeat into accepting the set of economic policies
that, in the name of growth, intensify and create new inequalities; a
left subdued… The relentless pressure being put on the left today is
precisely to give up its class approach, to adapt itself to neo-liberal
realities represented by the set of policies popularly referred to by
workers as LPG – liberalisation, privatisation, globalisation.”
– Brinda Karat, CPI(M) politburo member, in The
Indian Express, May 19, 2011.
T he
op-ed piece by Brinda Karat is a brave effort at self-defence
after almost five days of uncomfortable silence following one of the
most humiliating defeats in the history of the left movement in India.
The article, defensively titled ‘The Left will endure’, is revealing in
a number of ways. One, that the CPI(M) has nothing much left to say and
two, that most of what it says is an expression of many of the beliefs
that the Left Front continues to hold, or at least professes to hold –
even with all the evidence against the same – in review of its
performance in West Bengal.
But before an analysis, it is necessary to point out
that Karat’s use of the term ‘the left’ is also a little problematic, as
it cannot be said with certainty that all people or parties associated
with the colour red are willing to call the CPI(M) brand of politics
their own and not all of them today would necessarily choose to say that
‘the left will endure’.
What this article attempts is to dispute:
Ř
That the defeat of the Left Front in Bengal was somehow a defeat
because of the values that the Left Front professes to hold – equal
and sustainable growth, labour rights, class approach to issues and its
refusal to accept foreign capital, etc.
Ř That the critics have written the Left Front
off and are attempting to browbeat it into neo-liberal submission.
Ř That the Left Front record in Bengal has
been most laudable in terms of its commitment to people, secularism,
growth and maintaining a thriving democratic culture in Bengal in spite
of the lack of a strong opposition.
Most of the above are only ‘theoretically’ true and
meet reality only at a tangent.
Apart from those alluded to above, the reasons most
widely accepted and spoken of, both by critics and Left Front members,
are the ideas of ‘disconnect’ and ‘anti-incumbency’. Disconnect between
the party and the people; what the people thought, sought and aspired to
and what the party thought that they did. And together with the analysis
of the Left Front’s laxity, its heavy-handedness, its taking the people
for granted and thinking of the state as its private backyard, and some
fatal illusions of its own invincibility, the point is made that
therefore the people got disillusioned by the party and wanted ‘poribartan’,
(parivartan, change).
Though disconnect and anti-incumbency effectively
explain a major part of the poll results, they do not in any way
constitute all that the people felt or thought before giving their
verdict, and quite consciously exclude the anti-CPI(M) anger that was
building up post-2006.
For had they been entirely true, the electoral
reflection should have been a gradual drop in the popularity of the Left
Front before it was finally voted out. But then how does one account for
the preceding elections in 2006 where the Left Front’s victory was as
spectacular as its defeat this time? The revolutionary quality of the
term ‘poribartan’ warrants a much better explanation.
There is no denying the kind of work that the left
did in the late 1970s and early 1980s. Its 30-plus-year rule was, after
all, a legacy of the trust gained at that time. But it is now widely
accepted that after that, Bengal was on the path to stagnation. By the
1990s almost everything had virtually come to a standstill – the economy
was breaking down, more and more people were becoming jobless, education
and heath sectors were stagnating and there were hardly any
opportunities. The city was truly becoming timeless. Let’s look at some
of the statistics:
In matters of basic survival, as the National Sample
Survey 2004-05 had pointed out, “the percentage of rural households not
getting enough food every day in some months of the year” is highest in
West Bengal (10.6 per cent), worse than in Orissa (4.8 per cent) which
is known for rural hunger in places like Kalahandi. Employment is also
abysmal with more than 20 per cent unemployed in 1999-2000 and many more
today.
In medical services, as the official West Bengal
Human Development Report (2004) points out, spending on and access to
health services have stagnated. Some indicators – immunisation,
antenatal care, women’s nutrition and doctors and hospital beds per
1,00,000 people – are below the national average. What’s more, West
Bengal has not opened a single new primary health centre in a decade.
In matters relating to industries and economy, as two
reports published by The Hindu group of publications pointed out,
between 1984 and 2001 the number of industries in the state was almost
static – 5,369 to 6,091. Moreover, during this period the numbers
employed in the organised industrial sector in West Bengal almost
halved. In 2004 about 75 per cent of the registered small-scale
industries in the state were sick and the gross fiscal deficit as a
percentage of state GDP was a whopping 8.5 per cent in 1999-2000, the
highest among the states.
All these statistics, along with many more, come
together vis-ŕ-vis the assertion about reduction of poverty which Brinda
Karat produced as a proof of the Left Front’s 34 years of work.
After 2006
The Left Front was quite aware of the state of
affairs. And so was Buddhadeb Bhattacharya when he came to power in 2000
and tried to get things moving. His effort to change the face of Bengal
by being much more open to economic reforms as compared to his
predecessor Jyoti Basu spoke of a certain new beginning. This, along
with a number of almost divine interventions like the 2002 Gujarat
riots, the right-wing government at the centre, Mamata Banerjee’s
failure to unite the opposition and her alliance with the BJP-led
National Democratic Alliance, culminated in the spectacular 2006 results
where the Left Front swept the polls.
But after 2006, there was a complete reversal. The
new chief minister went a tad too far – almost into the lap of
neo-liberalism. Thenceforth it was a story of how the Left Front
successfully, and finally, managed to break off its already alienated
relationship with every group of people that had been its staunchest
supporters from the very beginning – the minorities, the intelligentsia,
the workers, the industrialists and even most of the Marxists
themselves. External factors came together here too but in quite the
opposite way – the findings of the Sachar Committee, the tremendous rise
in Mamata’s popularity and, for once in Bengal, a strong and united
opposition. The odds were stacked against the Marxists in this deck and
every single one of those cards was put in there by the Marxists
themselves – some recently but most throughout their 34-year history.
Minorities and the Left Front
An essential element in the decline of the left is
the alienation of the minority community from its government. The left
in Bengal recognised no other colour apart from the red of revolution
and had espoused a one-line policy on all matters relating to religion
and religious groups – that of being ‘anti-communal’. This practice of
colour blindness was believed and practised in its circles to prevent
discrimination based on religion. Statistics brought out by Dr Abu Saleh
Shariff, member of the Sachar Committee, reveal the condition of Muslims
in a state that arguably sat at the altar of ‘secularism’. While Muslims
comprise 25 per cent of the total population of West Bengal, only 2.1
per cent of them are employed in government jobs. Only 50 per cent of
Muslim children have access to primary schools, out of which only 12 per
cent complete matriculation. In revealing contrast, 54 per cent of
children from scheduled castes / scheduled tribes attend primary school,
out of which 13 per cent reach matriculation.
The above statistics, which reveal a condition much
worse than in Gujarat – a state where Muslims are the most discriminated
against – are a consequence of the professed, self-congratulatory policy
of being ‘anti-communal’, a policy which worked in a surprising number
of ways. On one level, this linear perspective reassured the Muslims, as
it kept the Hindu right-wingers as well as an active policy of
discrimination at bay even as it kept the votes coming in. On another
level, it worked wonders, as it became the best excuse for dismissing
any dialogue that sought to examine either the condition of minorities
or their empowerment. It was a magic wand used to pursue a passive form
of discrimination – positively making no effort to empower the
minorities – and 34 years of this approach brought about a mess that the
statistics themselves reveal. Everyone had a vague idea of how matters
stood, for it was visible all around but there was nothing definitive.
And, of course, anything is better than the BJP. But after the Sachar
Committee report came in, it was time to panic.
The history of the left in Bengal has however
witnessed two ‘events’ when the CPI(M) was forced to acknowledge the
category of religious minority. In the first instance, the left helped
the Muslims to survive while in the second, the left hoped to survive
with their help. It didn’t. During the communal riots in 1964, when
Muslims were being massacred across the state, CPI(M) cadres stood guard
outside Muslim mohallas, protecting their lives. It was this act
that sealed the faith with which Muslims in Bengal have cast their votes
in favour of the CPI(M) year after year. What the act symbolised was an
assurance of survival and not the guarantee of a dignified life. And it
was this realisation that led to the interaction which the CPI(M)
attempted as a last resort almost four decades later.
Realising that its chances of surviving as the ruling
party were bleak, the CPI(M) doled out sops to appease the minorities.
Ten per cent reservation for OBC (other backward class) Muslims was
suddenly declared. But the attempt was largely symbolic, for only 10 per
cent of the seven per cent of reserved seats for OBCs was granted, which
essentially meant 0.7 per cent reservation. There were several similar
efforts. The father of one of this article’s writers teaches at a school
that was refused minority institution status on one pretext or another
for 10 years until just before the elections when it was suddenly and
inexplicably granted a no objection certificate. Had the attempt been an
honest one, it would still have meant something. But election goodies
for an angry quarter of the population came a little too late and was
probably too ill-advised.
Intelligentsia and the poor
Nandigram, Singur and Lalgarh were probably the
breaking point in the Left Front’s association with the people. A
government which came as a messiah of the masses – introducing land
reforms, protecting its minorities and deriving its ideology and
strength from the common people – turned its back on them when it tried
to snatch their land away and give it to corporates who wanted to roll
out cars and chemicals that the people to whom those lands belonged
could only dream of. It was almost a historical blunder – not so
uncommon in red history all over the world. In his haste to incorporate
the famed Bengali ‘aspiration’ after a long hiatus, Buddhadeb
Bhattacharya forgot some of his own lessons.
Another segment that the left pushed to the edge was
the 80,000 strong coastal community of Haripur with its proposal for a
nuclear power plant at the cost of their land and livelihoods. Sensing
that the left was now treading on weak ground, weeks ahead of the
assembly elections, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya claimed that he was willing
to reconsider the project in the light of the nuclear disaster in Japan.
Mamata, on the other hand, declared that if she were to come to power,
the project would be scrapped. The people of Haripur’s loss of faith in
the left was no isolated incident; in this they were joined by several
others who felt disenchanted and disenfranchised.
It was not surprising to hear Mamata in those places,
and in all places thereafter, using the same words and talking of the
same commitments that the left had once made to the people in its early
stages. And it wasn’t just words. Travelling from village to village,
sometimes on foot, meeting and listening to as many people as possible,
eating and sleeping with the people, Mamata entrenched herself firmly in
a space that the left had created, occupied and then abandoned in
self-indulgent assurance.
It is this vacuum – resulting from the politics of
abandon practised by the left – that Mamata Banerjee capitalised on.
While the left unleashed a reign of terror in rural Bengal, Mamata
protested, languished in jail and spoke for the disaffected in
Parliament. Poribartan then, along with ‘Ma, Mati, Manush
(Mother, Motherland and People)’, emerged as the right election war cry
in this state of eternal abandon.
The defining moment in the shift of allegiance came
when the government fired on demonstrators at Nandigram and the way in
which it dealt with legitimate and democratic expressions of dissent – a
series of acts which managed to anger and completely dissociate not just
the people but also the intelligentsia. For a group of people already
disillusioned by lack of opportunities, unchanging syllabuses, rampant
red-tapism and the strong-arm tactics of the left in every sphere of
life, the violence against the people and some of their own was the
final straw.
But for those of us who grew up in Bengal, the acts
of violence against the people came as no surprise. If at all there was
any, it was the expression of disbelief at the idea that the left could
go this far even when everyone was watching. For, one of the most
remarkable achievements of the left’s 34-year rule has been the
destruction of the body politic of Bengal right from the lowest level of
the private family to that of legislation. And this destruction occurred
through intervention in all spheres of community life, an intervention
based on the swagger of power and violence. One aspect of this, as
someone sarcastically remarked, was the decrease in the number of
pending court cases. And it is true. The CPM-style durbars with their
private hearings have made Bengal stand tall in terms of pending court
cases. In Bengal, only 19 lakh cases are pending in the subordinate
courts as compared to 39 lakh cases in Gujarat and 41 lakh cases in
Maharashtra.
For all those who grew up in areas beyond the few
posh localities populated by the bhadralok, or educated middle class,
political violence has been a constitutive element of all organised
life. In Metiabruz – a suburb of Calcutta, where one of this article’s
writers grew up – more than 10 ‘well-known’ murders have taken place in
the last 10-15 years. Scratch beneath the surface and people will tell
you how it happened.
History has been witness to the fine distinction
between communism and fascism. It has also been witness to the frequent
erasure of that line, and Mamata Banerjee made sure that this was duly
noted: “If a government stays in power for a long time, every step of
that government becomes like that of fascists.” People noticed. And that
is how the ‘revolution’, though very different from the one that had
been promised, materialised in West Bengal. Whether fortunately or
unfortunately: that remains the question.
Mamata Banerjee
However, to attribute her victory entirely to a vote
against incumbency would be to grossly underestimate Mamata Banerjee.
Her work with the people was recognised as far back as 1984 when she
beat the CPI(M) heavyweight Somnath Chatterjee. And for the last 10
years, regardless of her ideology, and how well she is able to perform,
her association with the people has been remarkable – it had a quality
which put the communists of Bengal to shame. While Buddhadeb
Bhattacharya was present at merely 25 rallies, Mamata made her presence
felt at 250 of them. Where the left was absent, Mamata was reassuring.
Where the left practised a regime of terror implemented by party cadres,
Mamata sympathised. And she played politics. While her Bengali
manifesto, intended for the working class, steered clear of any mention
of SEZs (special economic zones) and heavy industries, the one in
English, catering to those with the power to invest, harped on
industrialisation. And above all, she was able to inspire the people and
to choose inspirational people to fight alongside her. The rest, as they
say, is history.
And now, as new winds blow in Bengal, along with
violence, one may look forward to poribartan. But it is sad that
it comes at the expense of a party which had once inspired millions and
still, at least the colour to which it belongs, continues to inspire
many.
(Sharib Ali and Shazia Nigar are students of media and
cultural studies at the Tata Institute of Social Sciences, Mumbai. This
article was posted on the blog Kafila.org on May 22, 2011.)
Courtesy: http://kafila.org
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