ll right! I am
willing to buy for now the theory that the al-Qaeda simply does not
exist, that Osama bin Laden is a mere product of our imagination. I am also
prepared to concede that 9/11 was the result of a Jewish conspiracy. But is the
Tehrik-e-Taliban Pakistan (movement to Talibanise Pakistan) mere fiction too?
Are Jews also involved in the killings in Dera Ismail Khan and Wah cantonment?
With full faith in our religious leaders and our intelligentsia,
I would have been inclined to believe this too. But what about the fact that our
own journalists face them every single day? How do we shut our minds when Mullah
Omar himself makes statements claiming credit for such "distinguished deeds"? I
am full of admiration for those among us who, unshaken in their resolve to stick
by the truth whatever it takes, assert that they have proof that all these
incidents are the misdeeds of India’s RAW. But alas, not all of us are capable
of such steadfastness! A commoner like me is inclined to think that when Mullah
Omar himself claims responsibility we must believe him to be speaking the truth.
Each one of the innocents killed in Dera Ismail Khan and Wah was
a Muslim. None of them was an American agent. I dare say that in fact a majority
of them are supporters of the Taliban ideology. The question then is: Why were
they massacred so mercilessly? The Koran categorically asserts that the
unjustified killing of even one innocent person is as sinful as the massacre of
all humanity. Who will deny that in the incidents mentioned above so many
innocents have been killed for no reason?
I have no doubt that Muslims who believe in the Day of Judgement
will not shy away from the truth and will agree that innocents have been killed.
I am sure that all those who are active in the Pakistani Taliban are firm
believers that the day will come when they will have to account for themselves
before Allah. I am therefore at a complete loss to understand which school of
Islamic jurisprudence (fiqh), which interpretation of Islam makes it so
easy for them to claim responsibility for such heinous crimes.
I have no answer to this question. And I don’t think anyone has
it either. With such dastardly deeds being committed in the name of Islam, it is
the bounden duty of the ulema to emphatically and unequivocally affirm that
these are very serious crimes that cannot be justified under any circumstances.
Let’s forget those who play politics in the name of religion.
But I have to say with due respect that even our ulema have failed in doing
their duty. They have always refrained from speaking the blunt truth, shied away
from issuing a fatwa against such elements. Had they chosen to do so, the ulema
could have stopped the Lal Masjid episode long before it reached the point of
explosion. Though they did not agree with the tactics of the leaders ensconced
inside the mosque, they were not prepared to say so publicly. Nor did they
openly dissociate themselves from them. The same approach of the ulema is now
evident vis-à-vis the Pakistani Taliban.
Of course, they do make the general proposition that Islam
prohibits suicide bombing. But they are not prepared to identify people by name
and publicly declare that they are acting contrary to the Shariah and therefore
deserve to be strongly condemned. If only the ulema were not so clueless about
where such lack of concern on their part is leading us all!
I believe the responsibility for rescuing Pakistani society from
impending doom lies more with the ulema than the government. Those engaged in
the continuing orgy of death and devastation do not give a damn about what the
government might say. But if the ulema were to sincerely intervene, the
situation can still be brought under control. I suggest that the ulema select a
group from among themselves and lead a delegation to meet the leaders of the
Pakistani Taliban. They should try and convince the Taliban leaders that what
they are doing could not only mean eternal damnation in the afterlife. That what
they are doing is also demonising Islam and pushing Pakistani society towards
anarchy. They should explain how what’s going on is causing immense damage to
Islam and to Muslims.
If, god forbid, they fail in their attempt to make the Taliban
leaders mend their ways, the ulema must publicly identify such misguided leaders
by name, dissociate themselves from them and tell the masses that what the
Taliban are doing has nothing to do with Islam or Muslims. Perhaps the ulema
should also include in their delegation those from civil society and the media
who harbour sympathy for the Taliban. Making such an effort today is as
important as was the attempt to communicate with Mullah Omar before the American
attack on Afghanistan.
I have repeatedly tried to draw attention to the fact that our
society is now on the verge of self-destruction. But the political class is
either not listening or they have an alternate agenda. They respond to every
exigency from the perspective of political benefit.
For example, Maulana Fazal-ur-Rehman remained uninterested
throughout the Lal Masjid episode. (Rehman, the pro-Taliban chief of the Jamiat
Ulema-e-Islam, aspired to be Pakistan’s prime minister in 2002. His is one of
the most influential and resourceful organisations committed to turning Pakistan
into a "pure Islamic state"). That is why the victims in the Lal Masjid incident
have a serious grudge against him. But today he is trying to squeeze political
benefit out of that tragic incident. On the one hand, his Jamiat is supporting
Zardari’s candidature for the president’s post; on the other hand, it claims the
support is conditional. The stated conditions include lifting of all
governmental control over Jamia Hafsa (the madrassa attached to the Lal Masjid)
and the release of (head cleric) Maulana Abdul Aziz. In other words, he is
merely trying to re-establish his credentials within his own constituency.
Expect other politico-religious leaders too to take a similar
stand. That is why I say that only civil society can save Pakistan now. It was
thanks to the initiative of civil society and the mass awareness that it created
that politicians were forced to bring the issue of an independent judiciary on
their agenda. Similarly, if civil society decides to make an issue of the Tehrik-e-Taliban
now, some solution might emerge. But because this is essentially a matter of
faith the role of the ulema is critical. What the ulema have to say will matter
much more than what the politicians say. And since the Taliban are linked with
the Deobandi school of thought the responsibility of the Deobandi ulema is
greater.
The Taliban, quite likely, have no idea how fast they are losing
public support because of their deeds. I was in Peshawar on August 30, 2008 to
participate in a seminar on peace. Present at the seminar were representatives
from political parties, religio-political organisations, civil society and the
ulema. Respected intellectuals such as Dr Qibla Ayaz, Dr Mehraj Al Hadi, Syed
Amjad Ali Shah and Raza Shah were also present. Besides, a very large number of
young people attended. Everyone seemed upset and agitated. There was a consensus
that Pakistani society today stands on the precipice. While a section of the
participants clearly distanced themselves from the Taliban’s thinking and
politics, others gave vent to their anger against its misdeeds. Those whose
sympathies are still with the Taliban must realise that such a mood in the
country could prove damaging for the Taliban itself. The continuing massacre of
innocent Muslims is alienating a growing number of people.
If only the ulema were to communicate this national mood to the
leaders of the Tehrik-e-Taliban. If the latter refuse to listen, it is the civil
and religious duty of the ulema to publicly dissociate themselves from the
Pakistani Taliban. After all, it is the ulema who helped create sympathy for the
Taliban among the masses in the first place. Given their past links, why can’t
the ulema tell the Pakistani Taliban leaders to at least stop shedding the blood
of fellow countrymen, most of whom are Muslims?
I believe the task of saving Pakistan now lies squarely on the
shoulders of the ulema. I am keeping my eyes wide open, a pen in my hand. Let’s
see if in keeping with the illustrious legacy of Maulana Mahmud Hasan ("Shaikh
ul-Hind"), Maulana Ashraf Ali Thanvi ("Hakim ul-Ummah"), Maulana Abul Kalam Azad
("Imam ul-Hind") and Pakistan’s Grand Mufti Muhammad Shafi, our ulema today can
play the historic role that the present situation demands of them.