Pakistan with its newly emerging society inherited three
elements as legacy. First was the poetry of Altaf Hussain Hali and
Muhammad Iqbal, structured around an illusion of a supposedly glorious
past, enthralling readers and subsequently giving birth to revivalist
movements of all hues. Second, having developed, perhaps understandably,
an inferiority complex and a sense of insecurity, the Muslims of the
subcontinent adopted an anti-Hindu and anti-democratic attitude. Third,
the leadership quickly turned to dealing with all political issues
sentimentally rather than rationally.
When the demand for Pakistan was put forward, it shaped
itself into a claim for a separate homeland for Muslims where they could
live according to their beliefs. Consequently, separation rather than
integration became the core of the Pakistan movement. Today, sixty years
after independence, as we look back at our history we find these elements
still alive in Pakistan’s body politic.
The country has faced a number of political, social,
economic and cultural crises after its creation. However, the state
survived and took a direction that was supposed to help determine its
identity. The factor that played an important role in shaping this
identity and determining its destiny was the formulation of an ideology.
To have an identity separate from India, the new country also required an
ideology. If India was secular, Pakistan had to be an Islamic state in
order to justify its separation and the partition of the subcontinent.
In the early phase, the task of framing this ideology lay
in the hands of modern scholars such as IH Qureshi and SM Ikram who
provided a historical basis for the concept of ‘two nations’ and the role
of Islam in shaping a solid Muslim community on the subcontinent. In his
book titled Ideology of Pakistan, published in the fifties, Javed
Iqbal observes, "Obviously Pakistan is an ideological state and can
therefore survive now only as long as its ideological integrity is
ensured. It is this ideology which is the foundation of our nationhood,
and is the source of our national, political, economic, cultural,
religious and moral values or ideals and their expression." He further
writes, "Pakistan claims itself to be an ideological state because it is
founded on Islam."
In the second phase, the task of consolidating and
solidifying the Pakistan ideology was taken over by religious scholars and
educationists or authors of textbooks who had government backing. In one
such textbook, Pakistan Studies, the author, Gul Shahzad Sarwar
says, "The ideology of Pakistan means the ideology of Islam. It guides us
in every aspect of life." The same theme is repeated in other textbooks
prescribed by educational institutions. Guided by ideology, the state and
society itself underwent the process of Islamisation with rapid
transformations in our educational, legal and economic systems that
subsequently opened the floodgates of confusion and chaos.
The implication of the Pakistan ideology is that the state
is a religious entity whose official faith is Islam. It contradicts the
concept of a modern nation state, in practice in modern democracies all
over the world, whose base is secular nationalism. It naturally excludes
all non-Muslim minorities from the concept of nationhood and relegates
them to a secondary position of citizenship. A severe blow was dealt to
these minorities in Pakistan when the Objectives Resolution was passed in
1949 declaring, "sovereignty belongs to god". The very idea contradicts
the modern concept of democracy in which sovereignty belongs to the
people. The resolution also declared that no law could be passed that goes
against the texts of the holy Koran and the Sunnah
(traditions of the holy prophet).
Consequently, as far as Pakistan was concerned the entire
process of law-making remained at a standstill if viewed from the
perspective of a fast changing modern world, new technologies and a
revision of outdated or extinct values. According to the Pakistan
ideology, the concept of two nations did not end with partition and serves
even today to know the difference between Muslims and non-Muslims. Today
our ideology is sacrosanct and to challenge or deny it is a crime
punishable with 10 years of rigorous imprisonment (under a law passed
during former prime minister Nawaz Sharif’s regime).
Today this ideology seeps into every aspect of an average
Pakistani’s life. Religious parties have gained strength while
enthusiastically and repeatedly calling for the creation of a ‘truly
Islamic’ state. They adopt two approaches to achieve their objective. In
one case, the strategy is to capture power by armed struggle, which they
call jihad, against secular and irreligious elements. In the other, there
are parties that would like to control the state through the democratic
process but with a promise to implement the shariah. Mainstream
political parties also publicise the religious provisions in their
manifestos to counter religious parties and gain popular votes.
Undeniably, religion has become the most important factor in the politics
of Pakistan, even dragging the army into the fray when the army’s job is
to defend the nation’s frontiers.
This ideology has also transformed and reshaped the images
of two individuals who are the pillars of Pakistan’s creation: Muhammad
Iqbal and Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Iqbal is identified as the person who
presented the idea of Pakistan as a separate homeland for Indian Muslims.
In this respect, as creator of the idea, Iqbal assumed a position of
greater importance than Jinnah who was only given credit for actualising
the former’s dream, which automatically relegated him to a secondary
position. The Pakistani state recognises Iqbal as its ‘national poet’ and
it was no coincidence that his ideas suited the interests of Pakistan’s
ruling class. Iqbal has also become a favourite figure for Pakistan’s
religious parties who continue to discover themes in his poetry that help
them promote their religious agendas. His concept of ghazi (holy
warrior), momin (true believer), Muslim ummah and his faith in
military power for the glorification of the nation, his anti-West,
anti-democracy, anti-women, anti-philosophy and anti-fine arts rhetoric
provides rich and persuasive material to the fundamentalists.
The same elements have also transformed Muhammad Ali
Jinnah into a religious figure. The fact that he was secular in his
private life is comfortably ignored. On the basis of speeches in which he
mentioned Islam, his personality and his views were reconstructed and he
is today portrayed as a deeply religious person. In a tactical move, the
religious parties, instead of disowning Jinnah, transformed and adapted
his image to suit their interests. Popular articles, especially in Urdu
newspapers, narrate stories about his religious zeal. In his official
portrait Jinnah is deliberately shown dressed in the traditional
sherwani, which immediately gives viewers the impression of a man of
faith. These fabricated images of Jinnah and Iqbal are effective tools in
the hands of right wing parties today.
An ideological state has to carry a heavy burden. It has
to constantly defend and protect itself from all manner of challenges on a
permanent basis. It must also justify its existence scientifically,
culturally and socially, distort facts in order to hide its weaknesses,
and interpret and reinterpret its image on a quasi-perpetual basis to
legitimise its existence and usefulness. In an ideological state only one
truth prevails. All thought is discarded. All doors to new ideas are
adamantly banged shut.
If we analyse the situation in Pakistan at this juncture,
we realise that its society has suffered and declined as a result of this
infamous ideological stranglehold. Since there is no space for new ideas
and fresh thought, creativity has seen a decline; it is no longer capable
of producing philosophers, historians, poets, artists, filmmakers,
architects, short story writers, novelists or musicians. Intellectually
and culturally, it has become barren. There is nothing that could nourish
young minds except obsolete or outmoded ideas.
The writer Qurratulain Hyder ultimately returned to live
in India following bitter criticism of her novel, Aag Ka Darya
(River of Fire). Josh Malihabadi’s poetry was banned when the
establishment and religious groups did not like comments he made in an
interview. The poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz stayed out of the country for most of
his life. (Credit must go to Habib Jalib who continued to write rebellious
poetry despite being imprisoned on several occasions.) A much dejected
Ustad Bade Ghulam Ali Khan, master of classical music, returned to India
where he was received enthusiastically, as was his due.
In the academic field, too, the country suffered heavily.
To meet the exigencies of an ideological state, two new subjects,
"Pakistan Studies" and "Islam", were introduced at all levels of education
to turn successive generations into "good" Pakistanis and "good" Muslims.
Historians and political scientists began expending all their energy in
attempting to justify the creation of Pakistan. As the standard of
academic research declined, Pakistani "scholars" lost all contact with
international academia. Sadly, there are no organisations for social
scientists to come together and discuss recent research, and only a few
substandard research journals that are, understandably, not recognised
internationally. Internationally, Pakistan stands nowhere in academic
status and credibility. This is a tragedy.
When only one truth and one ideology prevail, society
plunges into extremism and fundamentalism grows rapidly as the only
solution to all problems. As there is no alternative to challenge this
fundamentalism, society at large believes in its validity and its power to
change and reform. Ironically, technology is also helping to popularise
conservative ideas with the help of cassettes, documentaries, CDs, the
Internet and email. Almost every television channel in Pakistan broadcasts
programmes that promote extremism and make people more narrow-minded.
In a sign of superficial religiosity, the organisation of
religious gatherings has become a popular phenomenon in order to express
piety and devotion. There is a popular trend to go for Hajj and Umrah in
order to earn respectability in the eyes of the people. In the name of
charity, the rich, especially the business community, donate a lot of
money to madrassas and mosques. But in spite of this show of
Islamic fervour, society remains morally corrupt and inept. Crimes against
women are increasing: kidnapping, rape, honour killing and the parading of
naked women has become routine.
In these sixty years Pakistan’s performance has not been
much to write home about. While some individuals and groups have raised
their voices against ideological restrictions, and made an attempt to
create a liberal and progressive atmosphere, not much attention has been
paid to these brave initiatives. As for the question: Is there still hope
that Pakistan will rid itself of the ideological stranglehold? The answer
is both yes and no. It depends entirely on the creative powers that may
still be struggling to break free.