February  2003 
Year 9    No.84

Gender Justice


The dowry scourge

An unusual survey conducted by AIDWA across 18 states uncovers the disturbing phenomenon of an epidemic-like spread of an obnoxious social practice

In its work among women, AIDWA (All India Democratic Women’s Association) activists have been repeatedly confronted by what appears to be an epidemic–like spread and intensification of the practice of dowry. Of immediate concern is the impact of the dowry practice on the urban and rural poor.

Earlier this year, the AIDWA CEC had decided to conduct a survey on a set of questionnaires to understand the expanding dimensions of the practice of dowry and its impact on different social sections. The response both from the activists and the respondents in conducting and participating in the survey was encouraging. The survey was conducted in 18 states. The number of questionnaires filled up is something close to 10,000 people — covering different classes, castes and communities. This is perhaps the first time that a women’s organisation in India has conducted such a large survey through its own activists.

To present the preliminary findings, AIDWA, in collaboration with its affiliated research centre, the Indian School of Women’s Studies and Development jointly organised a workshop ‘Dowry as Crime, Crime as Dowry — The Expanding Dimensions of Dowry’ in New Delhi on September 1 and 2, 2002. Over 200 activists who had conducted the surveys in 18 states attended the workshop.

In the fairly long experience of AIDWA, this workshop was unique because activists in the field were trying to learn new methods of understanding social realities, through study and discussion in a theoretical framework, of problems that they confront every day as activists. The workshop was a small step towards linking up the two streams of research and practice.

Inaugural session

The inaugural speech, thought provoking and focussed, was made by justice Sujata Manohar, member of the National Human Rights Commission. Pointing out that women’s movements have been silent in the decade of the nineties against the practice of dowry, she said that sometimes old forms of oppression get new life and movements must be alert to fight against such practices in a more sustained manner. Calling the practice of dowry a basic human rights violation she called upon those present to organise movements against dowry.

The framework for the workshop was set by the detailed presentation made in an overview paper by Dr. Rajni Palriwala, member of the ISWSD. Among the several important points she made, she said that dowry as it is practiced today has never been part of tradition or as reflected in the shastras. Today dowry has to be understood, she said, in terms of "what dowry does, what it reflects, what dowry realises in our daily social relations in the economic and political life of the nation and the people who make it up.

In a concentrated form, dowry encapsulates contemporary and intensified inequalities and oppressions—caste, class and gender. It encapsulates the materialist and consumerist desires of today, the new religion of liberalisation." She also pointed out that the denial of recognition to women’s work, lack of property rights were crucial issues in the struggle against dowry.

The next speaker was Dr. Chandrakala Pande, Member of Parliament who, in a most interesting exposition of various religious rituals, showed how deeply anti–women some of these rituals are. Quoting profusely from the Vedas, shastras, smritis and various sages, she showed how in a large body of Hindu tradition the only function that a woman fulfilled was as the producer of sons. She said women’s movements have to confront such traditions and cultures, sought to be reimposed through the teachings of karmakand and jyotirgyan today.

Kirti Singh, convenor of the AIDWA legal cell, speaking on issues of judicial approaches towards the practice of dowry, pointed out that the laws relating to dowry prohibition were still inadequate and that the State did nothing to implement the law or create awareness of the law. Without this it was not possible for the law to be at all effective. She added that there has been a tendency to give lesser punishments in the case of dowry violence and murders because the courts believe that a dowry death is not as heinous a crime as murder.

This session ended with a presentation made by Kamakshi Malhotra of the media monitoring committee of AIDWA, of three objectionable advertisements that either promoted son-preference or encouraged dowry and, in all cases, displayed a marked anti-woman bias.

An ICICI advertisement gives out the message that marriage is the only ‘protection’ for a woman and her husband the only ‘protector’ possible. A ‘Fair and Lovely’ advertisement shows a man lamenting over the fact that he had a daughter and not a son when his family needed an additional breadwinner. The daughter is shown to be a simple, plain young girl. She then transforms herself into a mini–skirted glamorous woman, noticeably more fair–skinned (presumably after using the fair and lovely product) who gets a job in an airline. The message is clear: Sons, not daughters, are natural breadwinners; a girl can only land a good job if she improves and displays her physical attributes.

An LIC advertisement highlights the advisability of insurance policies which could help pay for a son’s education or a girl’s marriage, thus reinforcing a retrograde social attitude that sees marriage as the only future for a daughter and a daughter as a liability while a son is an investment.

The committee had sent written objections to the organisations concerned and was now planning legal action against them, the delegates were told. Justice Manohar intervened to say that complaints against such offensive advertisements could be sent to the NHRC as well for action.

State survey reports
Even as there were state–wise, community–based and caste–based differences and variations, what came across clearly was the homogenising impact of the all powerful market and the ongoing destruction of pluralist traditions concerning marriage, many of them women-friendly and sympathetic. A few such examples that were reported exist even today. In the survey conducted among the small Kannada Devange community in Karnataka, it was found that there is no dowry practice because, "it is treated as below the status of the groom to take from the bride." (This does not necessarily denote gender equality!) Expenses of the marriage are born by the groom; sometimes they are shared between the two sides.

In the north–east, the survey was done in Tripura, Assam and Manipur. Dowry there is certainly not as widespread as in the rest of India but it is increasing in some communities. In the hill areas in Uttaranchal, dowry is not that common although the expenditures on marriages and demands for a lavish reception add to the burden of the bride’s family. A survey among the Jaunsari tribal community showed that there is no dowry practice among them. According to the survey, dowry is also rare among Dalits in the hill areas.

A significant finding, brought out in many of the presentations was that when interviewed, families where there were both sons and daughters stated that since they had to give dowry at the time of the marriage of their daughter/s, they would certainly try and make it up at the time of the marriage of their son, by demanding equal if not more dowry. In such a situation it is families where there are no sons, who appear the greatest losers. The social implications of this are clear as can be seen in the huge proliferation of sex-determination clinics.

The presentations by delegates who had conducted surveys among the Dalit, adivasi and Muslim communities were particularly interesting. Rooprani, a Dalit activist from Lucknow, described how earlier in her community dowry was never an issue. "We are all workers," she said, "we cannot afford even education for our children. But now if we want to live with honour we have to spend on our daughter’s marriage and also give dowry. Our boys say, ‘We can’t get jobs, but we can get dowry to start our work."

Around 20 per cent of the respondents were from scheduled caste families and the findings confirmed Rooprani’s experiential account. The surveys conducted among Muslim women in Delhi and Kanpur were presented by Rehana Syed and Razia Naqvi. The responses, mainly from low-income, self–employed and middle class Muslims showed an overall spread of the dowry practice. Whereas the amount of mehr among those interviewed in Delhi had remained the same, ranging from Rs. 125 to about Rs. 500, expenditures at the time of marriage as well as the ‘gifts’ expected had increased enormously.

The comments by some Muslim men interviewed that dowry had been part of the Muslim tradition triggered sharp reactions at the conference. Many delegates refuted this contention. Maimoona Molla pointed to the startling fact that a handbook published by the All India Muslim Personal Law Board (AIMPLB) that purports to be a codification of Muslim personal law makes a reference to the "exchange of gifts at the time of mangni (engagement ceremony)". In fact, mangni has never been a practice among Muslims. This, she said, was justification for added expenditure to be born by the girl’s side. This led to a demand from the delegates that a protest be lodged with the AIMPLB.

Sangeeta, an elected panchayat member from an ST seat in Thane district, Maharashtra, reported on the survey among poor adivasi families. She said that even as poverty was increasing, expenditures on daughters’ weddings were pushing more and more families into debt. The practice of dowry has now replaced the earlier practice of bride price.

Giving an example of increasing expenditures on marriages that have become status symbols, she said that it was normal in the past to serve guests homemade brews during such ceremonies. But now the groom’s side demands ‘Indian Made Foreign Liquor (IMFL)’ and the failure to meet their expectation is seen as an insult. This has greatly increased expenditures.

The surveys conducted among different tribal communities in Tripura and Assam also brought out similar findings. Earlier, in some areas and communities, traditions were quite different, such as ‘ga–dhan’ (bride price), or ‘jamai khatani’, (the prospective bridegroom had to work in the bride’s house to prove his worth). But the practice of dowry has now increased across communities.

The Assam survey in five districts observed: "The poor peasant of rural Assam and the lower income groups of urban Assam are badly affected with girls from poor families often remaining unmarried due to unhealthy competition and greed for dowry that has grown in ‘dowry-free’ Assam…"

In Orissa, the survey was conducted in the five coastal districts where there have been more reported cases of dowry related violence. The survey was mainly among agricultural workers and sections of the rural poor. Most of them are in debt because of marriage and dowry expenditures. In one area of displaced workers, the marriage of five girls in the village was fixed on the condition that they were going to be given jobs by the mining company. This was in 1992. But they have not yet got the jobs so the boys have refused to marry them. Since they are that much older now, it is not possible for them to get married at all. The survey showed that all families with daughters are in debt, some to the extent of Rs. 1 lakh.

The largest survey was done in West Bengal where over 3,000 families were interviewed. Of them, over 50 per cent stated that they believed there could be no marriage without dowry. In Burdwan district, the survey was concentrated in those areas where there have been industrial closures. Presenting the findings, Sangeeta Singh brought out the shocking reality of how working class families, affected by closures and retrenchment, are doubly hit because of the practice of dowry.

In the course of the survey the interviewers found many families where the VRS money received had been spent on the marriages and dowry of daughters. A striking incident was brought to the notice of the surveyors in Bankura district. It was found that quite a few teachers had got married only after receiving a big amount of cash as dowry. The AIDWA district committee met the local school authority board and lodged a strong protest saying that these aspects should be included in teachers’ training programmes.

Malini Bhattacharya traced the changes in the practices of different communities that never had dowry as part of their tradition. Though not as extensive, the survey in Kerala covered all sections. Presented by Sindhu of the working women’s coordination committee, the report was much appreciated by the delegates. This was the only state, from among the 18 covered by the survey, where a substantial section — about 60 per cent of urban respondents and about 40 per cent of rural respondents – said that they would give their daughters a share in their property.

However, the majority said that dowry practice has increased in the last decade, the demand being mainly for gold and other goods. Those interviewed in the northern districts of Kannur, Kasargode and Mallapuram said that although no form of dowry had existed in their communities earlier, this social evil had entered their societies also and they were forced to surrender before it to ensure a good future for their daughters.

The presentations from West Bengal and Kerala sparked off a discussion among the delegates on the need for progressive forces to fight such practices, which ruined whole families. Participating in the discussion on behalf of the Agricultural Workers Union, Hannan Molla stressed the importance of having a comprehensive view of work among the working classes, rural and urban. "Sometimes, when we go among the people, we see only this issue or that and ignore what is happening right before our eyes. Dowry is one such practice that has intensified in the era of liberalisation, and we need to address it unitedly."

The Tamil Nadu presentations by Ragini and Mythily Sivaraman clearly brought out the links between female foeticide and dowry. A respondent from Theni district — notorious for female infanticide — whose monthly income is below Rs. 5,000 said that she had to give gold sovereigns at the time of her daughter’s marriage, in addition to Rs. 30,000 for marriage expenses and vessels worth Rs. 25,000. Later, she also had to give gold jewellery for her two grandchildren. She wrote at the end of the survey sheet she filled, "I regret that we did not kill her (daughter) at birth."

In answer to a question on when the dowry practice started, 50 per cent said it had started much earlier but had got worse in the last ten years. Another working class woman — a mother of two sons and five daughters — described how she had to go through repeated pregnancies till at last she delivered two boys. Her comments on the survey sheet: "One should not be born a girl, and if born a girl one should not get married. A woman in this society is an accursed being."

The surveys in Gujarat, Haryana, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh, UP and Bihar also showed similar trends.

Nature of demands
The demand for dowry is not made only at the time of marriage. The survey reports gave details of the ways, both novel and supposedly traditional, that were used to extract money and gifts at the time of the first visit of the boy’s family to the girl’s house, during the engagement, at the time of marriage and then throughout the married life of the girl.

In many cases, when very young girls are married, at the time of the ‘gauna’, or their departure for their marital homes after puberty, their parents are expected to give as many gifts as they did at the time of the wedding. In many cases, gifts are also expected when a girl returns to her marital home after visiting her natal home post–marriage. There is an unstated threat that she will otherwise not be allowed to visit her natal home or else not be welcomed back to her marital one.

Graphic details of dowry demands were also given. Among the middle classes the dowries expected/demanded ranged from jewellery, cash and ornaments to consumer goods, two–wheelers and even cars. The flooding of the consumer market with more and newer goods and the ostentatious display of wealth at the marriages of the rich and powerful has influenced all classes in society through TV serials, films etc.

The survey also uncovered several instances from different states where the demand was in the form of cash, for starting a business enterprise, a small shop, or in one case a clinic. What was very disturbing was that even among working class families and the rural poor who were surveyed, there was very heavy expenditure for the marriage of their daughters: up to Rs. 50,000 or more. A fair percentage of them are in debt because of such expenditures.

Responses of single women
In this context, some of the responses of the single (unmarried) women interviewed are very significant. Their age groups ranged from 16 to 30. The actual percentages from the surveys are yet to be worked out but the large majority felt that they could not get married without dowry. Many of them were totally opposed to the practice of dowry but felt completely helpless. There were differences between the responses of women from the poor and the middle class. Most of the girls from poor families felt that dowry was the cause of ruination of their families and they would rather get married without dowry.

But a fairly substantial section of urban young middle class women felt that dowry was "inevitable", that their parents would not listen to their objections. Others were of the opinion that since they would not inherit anything from their parents, at least this way they would get some of what they felt was their due. But many others, especially among the more educated and better off, thought that only a handsome dowry could ensure their financial security and status in the marital home.

The delegates pointed out that many women are aware that they should have property rights. However, realising that in practice it is extremely difficult for women to actually gain possession of the same, they are satisfied with whatever they get as dowry. Several respondents, however, did say that they would prefer to get a share in the property.

The surveys brought out the negative impact of television serials and films depicting ostentatious marriages, fancy trousseaus and docile women. The glamour of marriage, the security of married life and the ‘modest’ daughter–in–law projected by the media reinforces the image of a docile woman who has to conform to customs and traditions however ‘negative’.

Given the increasing expenditures on marriages and on dowry, the pressures from the natal family on the bride/wife to remain within the married home even if she is subject to humiliation, violence or torture have also increased.

Campaign Call
The convention ended with a call for a national campaign against dowry practices. Moving the resolution, Brinda Karat (AIDWA general secretary) said that dowry was perhaps the only crime that has social sanction among its perpetrators/beneficiaries as much as its victims/losers. The survey findings had brought into sharp focus the devastation and destitution caused by this continuing practice. AIDWA, she added, sees dowry not only as a social evil, but also something related to structural inequalities in Indian society.

Karat stressed that it is the dowry practice itself that is a crime, not just the excesses in the form of dowry–related violence. What was needed was a wide campaign and struggle involving different sections of people.

(Report prepared by AIDWA). 


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