The state assembly elections in the newly constituted state of Chhattisgarh are due to be held on December 1 this year. The two major political parties — the Congress (I) and the Bharatiya Janata Party – are vying with each other to raise issues that would capture the public mood.

The Congress (I) has declared "development" during its three-year tenure as the main plank for the forthcoming elections. Of course, it is another matter that in the name of development, the Congress (I) is ruthlessly peddling the globalisation agenda on the people of Chhattisgarh. The privatisation of Sheonath river water is only a burning example, thus denying people from control and usage of natural resources.

Although the BJP and its coalition partners in the NDA government at the centre are also pursuing the globalisation agenda, in Chhattisgarh it has declared "Dhan Aur Dharmantaran" (Paddy & Conversion) as the election issue. This is quite in line with the BJP’s policy of cashing in on the communally charged atmosphere, especially in the wake of their so-called success story in the Gujarat elections. In Chhattisgarh, their obvious target is the church and its various activities, especially related to evangelisation (with an ingredient of proselytising), in short, conversion. The issue of conversion has not suddenly cropped up in Chhattisgarh! It has a history of its own, which needs to be traced in the current context of elections.

On April 16, 1954, the then government of Madhya Pradesh led by Pandit Ravi Shanker Shukla, had set up ‘The Christian Missionary Activities Enquiry Committee’ headed by Shri Bhawani Shanker Niyogi, retired chief justice. The Niyogi Committee Report was highly critical of conversion activities, particularly the conversion of tribals, and the activities of foreign missionaries. The Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swatantrya Adhiniyam, 1968, which is still in force in Madhya Pradesh, totally bans forcible conversion.

The much-publicised "Operation Home Coming" (Operation Grah Vapasi), spear-headed by the present cabinet minister of state for environment and forests, Shri Dilip Singh Judeo, is an attempt to bring back those tribals (and Dalits) who had been converted to Christianity into the Hindu fold. The functions include washing of their feet by Shri Dilip Singh Judeo, a former Raja of Raigarh state. But, such acts have hardly resulted in a large-scale return of converts to the Hindu fold and each attempt leads to controversy, when many re-converted to Hinduism publicly claim that they had never been converted to Christianity.

Serious questions remain unanswered as to whether the "tribals" could be categorised as Hindus since they are followers of religions like "Sarna", etc., (anthropologists place them in the category of "animists", following local village deities or worshipping nature); or where they would be placed after their return in the Hindu hierarchy of the caste system after "Operation Home Coming". Since by all counts the majority of the re-converts are tribals and Dalits, they continue to be subjugated to age-old caste discrimination, not even being allowed to enter temples. Nor has it resulted in building up the basic relationship of "Roti aur Beti" (meaning sharing of bread and daughter in marriage).

Conversion as an election issue is an obvious choice for the BJP. The Congress (I) chief minister, Shri Ajit Pramod Kumar Jogi is a member of a Protestant church called ‘The Church of North India’. As a fascist outfit, the BJP believes in thriving on rumours. Remember the source of this inspiration is Mr. Goebbel – Hitler’s minister of propaganda – who believed that "a lie repeated ten times turns into truth". One of the rumours spread by the sangh parivar in Chhattisgarh related to Mr. Jogi’s election as the first chief minister of Chhattisgarh state: "That Sonia Gandhi had appointed Ajit Jogi as chief minister of Chhattisgarh at the behest of Pope John Paul II."

Naturally, such an argument would not fit into the frame of any common sense or political science. But falsehoods are not spread on rationality, which does not fit into the propaganda machine of the sangh parivar. If you say so, then it becomes easier to link up conversion by churches in Chhattisgarh with the Pope’s call in India during his third visit here in 1999. (See Arun Shourie’s book, Harvesting our Souls – Missionaries, their design, their claims, published in 2000). Thus, the ultimate objective of transforming Chhattisgarh into "Christi-garh" (a land belonging to Christ)!!

Madhya Pradesh

Hindu Muslim Christian

1951 95% 4.03% 0.31%

1961 93.99% 4.07% 0.58%

1971 93.68% 4.36% 0.69% 1981 92.96% 4.8% 0.67%

1991 92.99% 4.96% 0.64%

From the above figures it is clear that the Christian population in Madhya Pradesh has never been more than one per cent of the total population. Even in absolute numbers it reached the figure of 4,26,600 in the year 1991, which was only 0.64 per cent of the total population. Even if one carefully studied the Christian population for each district, it would become clear that out of 45 districts in Madhya Pradesh, only three recorded a percentage population of Christians above one per cent of the total population (Raigarh, Sarguja and Jhabua). That too, except Raigarh (9.92 per cent in 1991) the Christian population in Sarguja (2.31 per cent in 1991) and Jhabua (1.32 per cent in 1991) have been only marginally above one percent. Thus, from the above facts and figures it is difficult to fathom the dire necessity for the Madhya Pradesh Dharma Swaytantra Adhiniyam in 1968.

This has also been the case in Chhattisgarh. While the national average of the Christian population in 1991 was 2.32 per cent, in Chhattisgarh it was 1.71 per cent. In 1981, it was 1.80 per cent as against the national average of 2.43 per cent. Even in absolute numbers, the Christian population in Chhattisgarh was merely 3 lakhs out of a total population of 17.61 lakhs in 1991.

In comparison, the Hindu population in Chhattisgarh has been above the national average, by about 10 to 15 per cent. For example, when in 1991, the Hindu population was 82 per cent of India’s total population, in Chhattisgarh the Hindu population was 95.47 per cent; in 1981 when the national average was 82.63 per cent, in Chhattisgarh it was 95.12 per cent. This was also the case in Madhya Pradesh. The Hindu population in MP in 1991 was 92.99 per cent, in 1981 it was 92.96 per cent. A detailed account of the percentage share of the Hindu population in India, MP and Chhattisgarh is as under:

Chhattisgarh

Hindu Muslim Christian

1951 97.81% 1.25% 0.59%

1961 96.67% 1.21% 1.46%

1971 96.14% 1.40% 1.80% 1981 95.13% 1.65% 1.80%

1991 95.47% 1.70% 1.71%

The Hindu population in Chhattisgarh has never been less than 95 per cent of the total population in any of the census years: 1951 (97.81 per cent), 1961 (96.67 per cent), 1971 (96.14 per cent), 1981 (95.13 per cent), 1991 (95.47 per cent). Thus, the statement that the "Christian population in Chhattisgarh (and in Madhya Pradesh) is rising with such alarming proportions that Hindus would vanish one day" does not hold any water. Even in absolute numbers, the Hindu population in Chhattisgarh has increased from 72,93,530 in 1951 to 1,68,17,294 in 1991.

Hindu Population

India MP Chhattisgarh

1951 84.98% 95% 97.81%

1961 83.51% 93.99% 96.67%

1971 82.73% 93.68% 96.14% 1981 82.63% 92.96% 95.13%

1991 82.00% 92.99% 95.47%

Even the decadal growth recorded by the Hindu population in Chhattisgarh has been on par with the national average, as is evident from the table below:

India (Total) In Chhattisgarh

(Hindu population)

1951-61 21.64% 21.33%

1961-71 24.8% 26.42%

1971-81 24.66% 19.79%

1981-91 23.86 % 25.46%

A deeper analysis would also bring home the point that the Christian population in five out of seven districts of Chhattisgarh has never been more than one per cent. Let us examine percentage figures for the Christian population in Raipur, which are: 1991 (0.47%), 1981 (0.60%), 1971 (0.59%), 1961 (0.57%), 1951 (0.93%), 1941 (0.54%). The percentage figures for the years 1991 and 1981 are as follows:

Chhattisgarh – District-wise

(In Percentage)

1981 1991

Raipur 0.60 % 0.47%

Bilaspur 0.66% 0.73%

Durg 1.05% 0.86%

Rajnandgaon 0.19% 0.20% Bastar 0.60% 0.62%

Sarguja 2.31% 2.31%

Raigarh 9.63% 9.92%

Even in absolute numbers, a comparison of census figures for the Hindus and Christians does not give credence to the propaganda spread by Hindutva forces that "the Hindu population is fast dwindling, and one day (by 2055), it would become less than the Christians and Muslims". The comparative figures for Hindus, Christians and Muslims in Chhattisgarh are reproduced below to bring home the point that such a threat does not exist.

Christians Muslims Hindus

1951 44,695 93,234 72,93,530 1961 1,33,901 1,11,356 88,49,715 1971 2,09,694 1,63,124 1,11,88,659 1981 2,53,858 2,32,603 1,34,03,897

1991 3,02,637 2,99,673 1,68,17,294

A cursory glance at the national figures would also render such a claim on conversion misleading. Whereas during these forty years (1951-1991), the population of Hindus has recorded a growth of 126.51 percent, the Christian population increased by 134.03 per cent. In absolute numbers, these figures are: for the Hindu population, the increase in forty years has been 38,40,72,000, and for the Christian population in the same period, it has been 1,12,48,000.

If one studied the religious population in all the districts of India, then the fact of the matter is that in 1991, out of a total of 452 districts in India, the Hindu population was above fifty per cent in 398 districts, the Christian population was above fifty per cent in only 21 districts, and the Muslim population was more than fifty per cent in merely eight districts.

Out of the 21 districts in which the Christian population recorded more than fifty per cent population in 1991, 20 are in North-Eastern States (Manipur - four, Meghalaya - five, Mizoram - three, Nagaland - eight), and the remaining one is the Andaman-Nicobar Islands. Of the eight districts in which the Muslim population was more than fifty percent, four are in Assam, and one each in Bihar, Kerala, Lakhswadeep and West Bengal. In the same manner, it may be noted that out of 66 districts in which the Hindu population is less than fifty percent, none are in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh.

From the above facts and figures, it is crystal clear that there is not an iota of truth in allegations by the BJP/sangh parivar that the Christian church in Chhattisgarh and/or Madhya Pradesh is carrying out conversion in large numbers. In the recent past i.e. almost three decades, there has not been any abnormal/unusual growth in the Christian population in Chhattisgarh and Madhya Pradesh. On the contrary, there has been a gradual and regular decline in the percentage share of the Christian population in Chhattisgarh and in India. Thus it establishes that conversion does not appear to be the major agenda of the Christian church in Chhattisgarh and India. The sangh parivar and its political wing, the Bharatiya Janata Party, along with its associate organisations like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Bajrang Dal, Hindu Jagran Manch, etc., are targeting the Christian church as part of their overall objective to create a Hindu Rashtra based on fascist ideology; in which spreading falsehoods and rumours regarding conversion in Chhattisgarh is part of this strategy.

Madhya Pradesh (MP) has always been a stronghold of proponents of a Hindu Rashtra. It was part of the Central Provinces and Berar (CP & Berar), with its headquarters at Nagpur, the birthplace of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) – founded in 1925 by Keshav Baliram Hedgewar – and the Hindu Mahasabha, founded in 1923. Nagpur was the capital of MP till it became part of Maharashtra in November 1956 after the reorganisation of the states in independent India.

The Hindutvavadis had made increasing attempts prior to Independence to prohibit conversion in various parts of India. The focus of missionary activities was the tribals and Dalits, the deprived and marginalised of Hindu society. Although it is a fact that Christianity entered India in 52 AD, it also came as part of the package of colonialism. However, it also brought with it liberal values like equality, liberty and fraternity etc., through education, ultimately leading to the social uplift of the rejected and neglected masses. Thus conversion in the earlier period of Christianity resulted in providing an entirely new identity to the outcastes, and enabled them to assert their self-hood.

As a result of the passing of the lex loci, the "Regulation Law" in 1832 and the amendment to it known as the "Caste Disabilities Removal Act" or the "Freedom of Religion Act" in 1850, the disadvantages caused by change of religion had been largely removed in British India. However, this did not apply in the princely states, where Hindu or Muslim law was practised and, in the period before Independence, various restrictions concerning conversion were passed in these states.

In Madhya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh), the Raigarh princely state had brought into force the Raigarh State Conversion Act way back in the year 1936, followed by the Surguja State Apostasy Act in 1945. Both these districts are currently at the hub of the conversion controversy, and "Operation Home Coming" is being led by one of the former Rajas of Raigarh. The Central Provinces and Berar Public Safety Act was also introduced in 1947, which stated that any conversion had to be validated before a district magistrate. However, this clause was deleted because of strong opposition from Christians.

The princely states were openly active in opposing missionary activities due to their desire to maintain the status quo, their control over their subjects, who were, through missionary activities (like schools and hospitals etc.) becoming more aware of their rights and freedom, and moving into mass movements led by the freedom fighters. Thus, a number of princely states were not only opposed to the missionary activities but also to the freedom movement led by Gandhiji, who had adopted unique and novel ways to ensure that vast masses of peasantry and other downtrodden segments of society – women, Harijans and Adivasis – became a part of it. That is one of the reasons why a large number of princely states were hesitant to merge with the Indian Union after Independence. The heads of several princely states, along with zamindars, moved mostly to Hindutva parties like the Jan Sangh, which later became the Bharatiya Janata Party.

While on the one hand, the princely states were vehemently opposed to missionary activities, on the other hand, they were not shy of inviting Englishmen (almost all of them Christians), to head the institutions providing exclusive elitist education to their siblings. The Rajkumar College at Raipur, founded in 1894, is one such example in Chhattisgarh. A residential school providing all aspects of education in the English medium, ranging from history to horse riding to being trained in the western ways of life, the Rajkumar College has come to be recognised as the Oxford of Chhattisgarh. Such contradictions in the practices of princely states could be explained only in terms of their desire to maintain social and political dominance over their subjects.

The Constitution of India came into full force in January 1950. Thereafter, some of the princely states were amalgamated into Madhya Pradesh. As a result of this, the ‘anti-conversion’ laws of these states had become invalid. Thus, the Christian missionaries began their work among the tribals, which included social service and proselytising. However, the former Maharajas continued to resist the entrance of the missionaries, considering them to be an attack on the autonomy of these former princely states, which they had enjoyed during the British Raj.

The socio-cultural factor that resulted in resistance to missionary activities by the ‘elite’ of Hindu society in Madhya Pradesh was the fact that it had a significant tribal population (18 per cent in 1950), which went up to 23.22 per cent in 1994. Chhattisgarh also has a considerably large proportion of tribes, i.e. 10.52 per cent of scheduled tribes, and 35.41 per cent of scheduled castes.

Yet another political factor that led to an increased demand by the dominant classes to curtail the freedom of the Christian missionaries was the uprising of tribals who demanded a separate state for themselves called Jharkhand. It covered the adjoining districts of Raigarh (in MP), Ranchi (in Bihar) and Sundergarh (in Orissa), which witnessed a high growth in the Christian population. Although Christians form less than one per cent of the population in the entire region, and their absolute numbers amount to just about 3 lakhs, Christians form about 14.5 per cent of the population of these three districts.

The high rate of conversion among the tribals in this area was also regarded with suspicion by the Hindutva forces because of the political demand for Jharkhand. Any form of a people’s movement in assertion of their political and cultural identity, and self-hood (sometimes, the right to self-determination), has always been opposed by the dominant classes/castes in India. It is another matter that in later years the demand for a separate state for Jharkhand, Chhattisgarh and Uttarakhand was politically cashed in on by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), as it conceded to the popular demand in the year 2000.

The resistance to missionary activities in Madhya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh) was not merely because of the increase in the Christian population in the area but mainly due to the state’s particular socio-political background. n

(Rajendra K Sail is a human rights activist who has been working in Chhattisgarh for the past 30 years. This article is based on a Hindi booklet entitled "Chhattisgarh mein Dharmantaran – Kadua Sach aur Safed Jhoot", INSAF).